Monday, 23 March 2009

Presentation: Resarch methods: Dissertation!


‘WITHOUT FEMINISM WE WOULDN’T HAVE VOGUE’
Intro
For the next ten minutes I am going to present my chosen topic for my dissertation, the reason why I’ve chosen it, the existing literature that relates to my question and the methodology I will use.
I will be applying the post-feminist theory to a range of female orientated magazines, the magazines I have chosen are Vogue and Heat.
The research will attempt to provide a definition of the post-feminist theory and apply it to two constrasting magazines focusing on the binary oppositional between high and low culture, in my research I will be notifying the differences and similarities between the two magazines.

Existing Literature
Sarah Gamble - Companion to feminism & post-feminism
Anthea Taylor - Popular culture & post-feminism
Budgeon S. & Currie D.H - From feminism to post-feminism - women’s liberation in fashion magazines
John Storey - Cultural theory & popular culture - an intro.
Anna gough-Yates - Understanding women’s magazines: publishing, markets & readerships.
Janet Helen Legge - Post-feminism in cosmo: a critical analysis.
Kate helburn - Media representations of women: conflicting definitions of femininity in cosmo/reveal.

Angela McRobbie - The aftermath of feminism - gender, culture and social change.
‘Which is that post-feminism positively draws on and invokes feminism as that which can be taken into account, to suggest that equality is achieved, in order to install a whole repertoire of new meanings which emphasise that it is no longer needed, it is a spend force,’ (McRobbie, 2009: 12)
Throughout her book Angela talks about:
- Post-feminism in popular culture/Britain
- Post-feminism in cultural-politics
- Post-feminism in education
- Post-feminism in everyday life

‘The media has become the key side for defining codes of sexual conduct. It casts judgement and establishes the rules of play across these many channels of communication feminism is routinely disparaged,’ (McRobbie, 2009: 15-16)
Why?
My particular expertise lies in Visual Culture, especially gender and sexuality. Gender and sexuality is where my interest lies, it is the favourite subject I’ve studied throughout my degree, the reason behind this is due to my interest in the way in which women are represented in the media, also the post-feminist theory is my favourite theory, simply because I’m a girl myself.
My reflection on the importance in carrying out this research is to see how women are represented, in a positive equal way as the post-feminist theory suggests.

Methodology
I will be conducting a theoretic dissertation, which means it will be library based involving analysing and engaging with existing literature. As it will also contain me analysing the texts myself, so it will be empirical research, which will also be qualitative.
Firstly I will be reviewing the existing literature around my subject, then I will be textually analysing my texts (Vogue & Heat) and finally applying the post-feminist theory to them.

Tuesday, 17 March 2009

diss

It's buy, buy to women. Now the girlies rule
9 March 2007
Becky Munford
http://www.timeshighereducation.co.uk/story.asp?storyCode=208159&sectioncode=26




If Wags and conspicuous consumption are the epitome of post-feminist womanhood, we've not come a long way, baby, argues Becky Munford
According to self-identified "sexist" Mike Newell, the manager of Luton Football Club, women have no place in the world of football. The appointment of female officials was, he claimed, tantamount to "tokenism for politically correct idiots". In response to the media commotion surrounding his chauvinist invective against assistant referee Amy Rayner's decision over a penalty in a match last November, Newell later modified his position on "political correctness gone mad" to one of safeguarding "traditional values" - values such as "holding a door open for a woman, helping a mother with a pushchair off a train or up an escalator, worrying what time my daughter will be home and whether she is escorted, buying flowers and paying for dinner".
However, it would seem that today's women have a very definite place in the world of British football - one that is not inconsistent with Newell's recapitulation of "traditional" gender roles and stereotypes. If 2006 was the year that the England team went out of the World Cup on penalties, it was also the year of the Wags (wives and girlfriends of famous footballers) - a now established acronym in media parlance.
Alongside details of the England team's activities on the pitch, media coverage of the World Cup provided a gripping narrative about the Wags' off-pitch exploits in Baden-Baden. The regular manicures, tan treatments, girls' nights out, bitchy spats and, of course, scandalously extravagant shopping excursions were chronicled in painstaking detail. Journalists doggedly belaboured the stereotype, scrutinising the Wags' various expenditures and public conduct and pathologising their hyper-consumerism.
Through their display of conspicuous consumption, the Wags reaffirmed that women's agency in the commodified world of football was firmly located in their spending power, rather than their earning power.
Notwithstanding questions over the nature of this economic agency, the institutionalisation of Wag culture registers a shift in the popular status of shopping. No longer a domestic or a leisure activity, shopping has been relocated as a professional one. In the same week that Rayner spoke out about Newell's verbal attack, condemning the acceptability of sexism in football and advocating more professional opportunities for women in the Football League, ITV2 launched a new reality television series: WAGs Boutique . The show, a kind of Dragons' Den meets The Simple Life , follows two teams of Wags as they compete to set up and manage fashion boutiques in central London. (The A-list Wags - Victoria Beckham, Cheryl Cole and Coleen McLoughlin - are noticeably absent from the show's line-up).
On its website, WAGs Boutique promises that "Babes mean business!" as "two teams of Wags compete to turn their passion for fashion into a hot profit". Structuring its competitive rationale through a footballing analogy, the reality show invites the two teams of Wags to transform their "skills" in consumption into useful labour. This is, however, a form of labour safely situated in their babe status - one that does not militate too forcibly against the traditional value system of the gendered world of football.
Moreover, the constant referencing of the Wags' "proper" spousal identities - for example, "Nicola T (Miss Bobby Zamora, West Ham)" - points up the fragility of their professional status as businesswomen. Babes may well mean business, but it is a traditional version of heterosexual femininity (a love of handbags, shoes, bitching and rich boyfriends) and its consumer power that WAGs Boutique professionalises.
In The Feminine Mystique , her landmark investigation of the cultural construction of feminitypublished in 1963, Betty Friedan outlined an image of the "thing-buying" dehumanised housewife turning away from an individual identity to become an "anonymous biological robot in a docile mass". This has since been displaced by the figure of the shrewd individual shopper fashioning her public identity through various consumer choices. From Sex and the City 's newspaper columnist Carrie Bradshaw blowing an estimated $40,000 on designer shoes to Buffy the Vampire Slayer kicking ass in her "stylishly unaffordable boots", shopping is cast as a "fashionable" version of independence and public agency. Rather than a frivolous diversion to be mocked or denigrated, it is positioned as a lifestyle choice to be performed with pride.
It is as a lifestyle choice that shopping - and the pursuit of traditional femininity it legitimises - becomes the raison d'être of the post-feminist woman. A long-standing staple of glossy magazines, articles on shopping, fashion and beauty culture are increasingly filling the features sections and supplements of both tabloid and quality newspapers. The January issue of Observer Woman , for example, ran a cover story on "The truth about female stereotypes", which provided brief accounts of the diverse professional and personal circumstances of various women, including the fund manager Nicola Horlick. The same issue also ran a piece that tackled the differences between serum and moisturiser and designer versus high-street lip glosses, as well as a short article on the return of the scrunchie ("Everybody's talking about hair accessories").
In mainstream popular culture, the compatibility of professional mobility and traditional femininity is being sold to women as a new mode of "post-feminist" empowerment - that is, a mode of empowerment derived from a notion that the achievements of feminism have so permeated our social, economic and political structures that to continue to speak of "feminist" endeavour is extraneous to the concerns of modern women, not to mention rather old-fashioned and tiresome.
Moreover, this is a mode of empowerment that does not compromise the stranglehold of traditional gender stereotypes. If, for many second-wave feminists, the trappings of traditional femininity (such as bras, high heels and glossy magazines) were viewed as being at odds with women's liberation, then for the post-feminist woman they are repositioned as the bedrock of female agency. In its mainstream and highly commercialised media usage, post-feminism (like its various offshoots "raunch feminism", "babe feminism" and "do-me feminism") empties feminism of its political import and activity and repackages its vocabulary of freedom as a new, more fashionable brand of female autonomy.
The figurehead of this so-called post-feminist era is the sassy, sexy and stylish "girlie girl". From Paris Hilton and Lindsay Lohan to Coleen McLoughlin and Chantelle Houghton, the girlie girl embraces her lipsticked, high-heeled and G-stringed "girliness" as the very enactment of her empowerment. The girlie might offer an exaggerated display of femininity that represents a playful disruption of conventional gender identities and behaviours, but she also looks misleadingly like a lads' mag centrefold. Is this postmodern mockery or the reification of gender stereotypes? Either way, it is an individualist understanding of empowerment grounded in the rhetoric of choice and the realisation of traditional femininity through consumerism.
This hijacking of feminist values as a consumer strategy also drives the aggressive commodification of girl cultures. If, in the 1990s, "girl power" functioned in some way to raise the public profile of girls' and young women's activities and ambitions, in today's cultural climate it works predominantly as a synonym for consumer power. With teen magazines such as Cosmo Girl! and Sugar running numerous features on fashion "must-haves" and "miracle makeovers", the alarming rise of teenage cosmetic surgery (a 2004 survey by Bliss magazine revealed that a third of teenage girls wanted it), and the marketing of manicures and other "mini" beauty treatments, it would seem that girls are being trained in consumer competencies - and the pursuit of traditional femininity - from an increasingly early age.
The preponderance of pink imagery and artefacts in girl-powered popular culture further emphasises that gender stereotypes remain as firmly embedded as ever, even if the colour itself might have been reclaimed as the accepted hue of post-feminist agency in both its popular and academic varieties (an academic conference on "post-feminism" in 2004 publicised itself using a pink silhouette of a busty action heroine holding a gun in one hand and a handbag in the other).
This is not to suggest that girls and women are being routinely duped by the mainstream media. Rather, it is to recognise that the versions of agency enabled by the redeployment of traditional femininity are ambiguous, and that the marketing of traditional gender stereotypes as reinvigorated forms of consumer-driven empowerment risks disenfranchising women. Wags, girlies and babes, stand aside. Feminists have some unfinished business.
Rebecca Munford is lecturer in English literature at Cardiff University

dissertation!

walking a thin line; As the average runway sample dropped from a size 6 to a size 2 over the past decade, models were expected to shrink to fit.
Publication: Vogue
Publication Date: 01-APR-07Author: Johnson, Rebecca
window.google_render_ad();

walking a thin line; As the average runway sample dropped from a size 6 to a size 2 over the past decade, models were expected to shrink to fit. -->
COPYRIGHT 2007 All rights reserved. Reproduced by permission of The Condé Nast Publications Inc.
Byline: Rebecca Johnson






As job interviews go, the model casting call has to be the world's quickest. "Can I see you walk?" James Scully, a 20-year industry veteran, asked the tall, thin brunette standing in the foyer of designer Derek Lam's showroom. It was the week before the New York fall shows, and Scully needed to cast 26 models. The girl took a deep breath, dropped her shoulders, jutted her hips forward, and took off. After ten feet, she stopped, pivoted, and returned, eyes focused vacantly on the middle distance. "If you could stand against the wall." Scully pointed to a pink slash of tape six feet from the floor. He didn't say so, but if her head hit too far below that mark, she probably wouldn't get the job. This one cleared it by a good two inches. There was no scale, but you hardly needed it. Like the 20 or 30 girls who had come before her, she hadn't an inch of visible fat on her body. As the flash of the Polaroid went off, she looked into the camera's eye, struggling for an expression that would convey something. Anything. "How old are you?" Scully asked. "Sixteen," she answered in a thick Eastern European accent. After she left, Scully waved a developing Polaroid and shook his head (time elapsed: one minute, 57 seconds). "It's their ages," he said in response to the question of the day: Have runway models gotten too thin? "We're seeing girls as young as thirteen on the runway. When you're that age and that tall, you can be that thin naturally, but in two years, that girl's body is going to start changing. She's going to get hips, and then she's going to start hearing she's too big." It would be impossible for one person to change the vast and complex machine that is fashion but, in his own small way, Scully is trying. "This is the first year I am asking their ages," he said. "Both aesthetically and philosophically, I'd rather cast older girls. There have been times in the last year when I have felt like a high school math teacher. I don't even think girls begin to blossom until they're at least nineteen. You ask one of these girls to 'look sexy' and they don't know what that means. A lot of them have never had a boyfriend." More troubling for him is the thought of what will happen to that girl when the industry is done with her. "The turnover has gotten so quick. Girls are gone in one or two seasons. How do you tell a sixteen-year-old girl her career is over?" he asked. "They've spent the last two years living the lifestyle of a 35-year-old. It's hard for them to go back to where they came from." In the foyer outside, three new girls, all of whom looked more or less identical, had arrived. While Scully zoomed through the casting, I went outside to ask the girls what they thought about the weight issue, especially the health regulations issued by Spanish authorities requiring minimum BMIs (body-mass index) for models, and the Italian requirement for a medical certificate. The sameness of their replies was striking. "It's crazy," they all answered. "I eat!" On the table next to them were plates heaped with food-raspberries, chunks of pineapple, kiwis, croissants, bagels, brioche. Nothing had been touched. Later that day I sent an E-mail to Cynthia Bulik, Ph.D., past president of the Academy for Eating Disorders and currently director of the University of North Carolina eating-disorders program. When the Council of Fashion Designers of America (CFDA) issued its own guidelines last January to protect the health of the models, Bulik had applauded some measures-such as limiting the use of girls under sixteen-but in general she had been critical of the initiative, calling it "an anemic response" to a serious occupational concern. Dear Dr. Bulik, Today I attended a casting for a designer in which about 50 models came in and got quickly photographed. The agent doing the casting told me he believes he can tell in a second if a girl is sick. It's in "the skin, the eyes, the hands," he said. The girls who came in seemed very young, very tall, and very skinny, but they didn't seem sick. When I interviewed them, they all insisted they eat. They seemed so earnest, I can't believe they were lying. Was I missing something? I got a response within hours. You can't always tell just by looking! I am sure that agent had no data to actually check his/her observations with. . . . And there's not ONE question you can ask-especially if someone is afraid they might lose their job! Plus, they might indeed eat, but then vomit or use laxatives or other methods to try to get rid of the food. I took her point. An eating disorder is a complex, multifaceted disease mediated by both genetic and psychosocial factors. But the irony couldn't help escaping me: If you can't tell whether a person has an eating disorder by looking at her, why are lawmakers from Spain to Milan and, more recently, New York trying to mandate models' health based on the way they look? Some history. It's a fact: Clothes look better on a thin person. Models are therefore, by definition, thinner than the average person. Always have been. Always will be. Even the so-called Amazon supermodels of the eighties, curvy women recognizable by only one name, were a lot thinner than the average woman. Then, suddenly, around the early nineties, the models got thinner still. Nian Fish, the creative director of KCD, the company that produces fashion shows for designers such as Marc Jacobs, Ralph Lauren, and Zac Posen, and one of the people most concerned about the trend, thinks she can pinpoint the precise moment it happened. "It was at a Calvin Klein go-see where I was working as a stylist," she remembers. "The big girls were there-Cindy, Nadja. And then Kate Moss walked in. She must have been fifteen or sixteen at the time. She put on this beige chiffon slip dress, and it just fell on her body. We put her in flat shoes, and when she walked, the fabric was like liquid flowing around her body. I got goose bumps. We all knew we were witnessing one of those fashion moments." (A former dancer who herself once struggled with an eating disorder, Fish was one of the guiding forces behind the CFDA's push to address the issue.) In the years that followed, as clothes became less structured and less formfitting, the "glamazons" suddenly found themselves out of work. Or, more precisely, out of high fashion. Because they had recognizable personae-"Those girls used to skip down the runway," says Fish-they were able to parlay their careers into even more lucrative perfume or makeup campaigns, options that don't exist nearly as much for the blank-faced girls walking today's runway. If you can name a runway model today, you probably work in the industry. "After Kate," says Tonne Goodman, fashion director of Vogue, "there have been schools of girls who have swum through like fish, but none of them have really stuck. Good models have to have sex appeal, but to feel sexy, you have to feel good about your body. At the magazine, we're looking for that. A few of the models are so thin I worry about them. I'm a mother; you feel for them." So does photographer Arthur Elgort. "When I see those skinny girls, I just hope they don't put a bathing suit on them," he says. Then, about two or three years ago, the average size of the models seemed to slip again, from a size 2 to a size 0. Until the local government in Madrid kicked up a fuss, nobody seemed to notice. But among the agents who represent the models and the models themselves, the shift has been devastating. "I went to a fitting the other day," says a top model who asked that her name not be used for fear of retribution, "and the stylist kept talking about how the show was supposed to be so 'sexy.' Then she handed me a pair of size 0 jeans, which did not fit. I said to her, 'What's sexy about a size 0?' The designers say models are naturally thin, but these are extreme sizes. I think half the girls walking the runway today have some kind of eating disorder." When the models themselves were famous, designers would gladly alter a dress to fit the girl. But when the models are generically interchangeable, it's easier to find a girl who fits the dress. Speaking out on the issue is what you might call a no-win situation for people in such a highly competitive business. In the days preceding New York Fashion Week, one very powerful agent sounded pretty sanguine on the topic once I finally got him on the phone. "These girls are naturally thin," he said dismissively. "They were the Olive Oyls in high school, the ones who got teased for being a beanpole. If there's a problem, we'll talk to the girl. Everyone wants her to be healthy. We work with trainers and nutritionists. Maybe it's just a matter of cutting down on carbohydrates." But a few days into Fashion Week, his tone changed. "I just got a call from a designer about a top girl they cut because the clothes don't fit," he said angrily one evening from his cell phone. "I asked them, 'Is she too large?' and all they said was 'The clothes don't fit.' I'm not talking about 25 pounds here, I'm talking about two or three pounds! This is the new era? I really thought things were going to change." Still, he did not want his name used. "This is a very competitive business," he explained. "I want my clients to have long and prosperous careers. Managed correctly, these women can continue to make good money into their 30s. If she has a problem, the last thing we would ever do is talk about it publicly." "It's the paradox of the model," said Natalia Vodianova, one of the few models who have been outspoken on the issue. "You're supposed to be projecting this image of fun and health. If you talk about having a problem, you know it's going to affect your career, so you don't say anything. The girls talk about dieting all the time, but they never talk about problems." If people don't talk, it's hard to know the true extent of the issue or where it begins and ends. "Why are the agents even sending these girls?" Donna Karan asked at the CFDA forum on the topic this past February. Answer: because those are the girls who are getting booked. "I know one of my girls has a problem," one anguished agent asked, "but every designer in town wants that girl in their show, so what am I supposed to tell her? If I tell her she can't work, she'll just go to someone else." It's not as if the fashion industry wants to create eating disorders in young women. "Contrary to what people believe, this industry does have a heart," said Robin Givhan, fashion editor of The Washington Post. "Look at all the work it has done on AIDS. I think what happened was our eyes changed slowly over time. It's like the frog in the water: If you slowly turn up the heat, it doesn't know it's being boiled to death. After a while, a size 0 starts to seem normal, not cadaverous." But eventually, said Givhan, the zombie-like quality of some superskinny models began to detract from the aesthetic appreciation of the clothes themselves. "Fashion is about fantasy and aspiration," she said. "Women look to it for inspiration. But somewhere along the way the industry went from long and lean to something you wouldn't want to aspire to. It became unattractive." The controversy might never have become the international story it did, had it not been for the deaths of two South American models due to complications from anorexia nervosa. Neither Luisel Ramos nor Ana Carolina Reston got anywhere close to the runways in New York or Paris. At five feet eight inches-and friends says that was stretching it-Reston's head would have hit far below Scully's pink slash on the wall, but fashion is a global business, and for several years she was able to support her middle-class family by modeling for catalogs and fashion shows in Brazil. Her dream, however, was to travel abroad, living the glamorous life of an international model. When she went to China, she was told she was too fat. To get work, she thought she only needed to get thinner. By 2006, when she entered the Brazilian hospital where she died at 88 pounds, she was allegedly living on a diet of apples and tomatoes. Reston's agents stopped booking her when she got seriously sick. In the weeks before her death, she was supporting herself by handing out fliers for nightclubs, but her death seemed to touch off a simmering anger against the fashion industry, as evidenced by this post on Live Journal, one of the most popular fashion blogs. I CANNOT *BELIEVE!!!* THE 'FASHION INDUSTRY' *STILL* DOESN'T THINK THERE IS A "PROBLEM." What the #$#??! I feel bad for the girl, but hopefully, this will help show (or even FORCE) this industry to see how badly they need to DO SOMETHING!!! [And this is coming from a model herself. If I had a penny for every time I heard my agent telling me or other models at the agency to "lose some inches in the hips," I could quit modeling and just be a millionaire. . . . ] Fellow Brazilian Gisele Bundchen made international headlines after Reston's death when she said parents are responsible for anorexia, not the fashion industry, but others were more empathetic. "I didn't know her personally," said Vodianova, "but when I read about her story, I could understand. At home, girls are the little princesses, but then you get this opportunity and you think, OK, this is my job now. This is what I am supposed to do. Nobody is nurturing them, and suddenly, everything becomes about the weight. If you do allow yourself to eat something, you become nervous because you think the clothes won't fit. It's not that people even say things to your face; it's more like a tension in the air during a fitting. Or you overhear something. In your off-time, you start to overeat because you are so hungry, so now your normal relationship with food is gone." It's no coincidence that many of the youngest, thinnest girls on the runway come from countries where economic opportunities for them are limited. Reston's family was initially middle class, but after her family's savings were stolen, she felt an added pressure to be a breadwinner. "My parents saw an opportunity for me to have a better life," Vodianova said, explaining why her parents let her leave home alone at seventeen. To make money in Russia, she used to sell fruit on the street next to engineers and professors, people with advanced degrees who needed cash to feed their families. The money she made from her first fashion show-$50-was equal to a month's salary for a teacher. "If I had stayed, finished school, and become a doctor, so what?" She shrugged. "I still would have been selling fruit on the street." After Reston's death, the CFDA decided to address the issue. But if models are hired for their tall and skinny genetic phenotype, fashion designers succeed through an equally rigorous process of Darwinian selection. Creative people with robust egos don't like being told what to do. Some were sympathetic to the idea of regulation, especially women with children. "We have a big responsibility with this disease," said Carolina Herrera. Another prominent designer called the idea "revolting." Some were simply flummoxed by the practicalities-how do you regulate a worldwide industry composed of freelance workers who steadfastly maintain, "It's crazy! I eat!" In Spain, they tried instituting minimum weights calculated by BMI. The measurement, which takes into consideration height and weight, was invented by a nineteenth-century Belgian scientist who believed that the human condition could be better understood through the use of statistics-he was among the first to quantify a correlation between age and gender in crime-but while BMI may be a useful tool for tracking the growing obesity epidemic in the developed world, it's not so useful for screening models. The Spanish chose a BMI of eighteen as the cutoff for a working model, which, according to the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) growth charts, would mean that 17 percent of all sixteen-year-olds would be considered too thin to model. Not surprisingly, the regulation had little effect. England, Australia, and France all rejected mandatory minimums as discriminatory or inappropriate-as UK culture secretary Tessa Jowell said, "Government legislation is a very blunt instrument to address an issue this complex." Realistically, today's working models have BMIs closer to sixteen. When she was nineteen and weighed 117 pounds, five-foot-ten-inch Vodianova had a BMI of 16.8. (That was when several fashion houses complained about her weight.) When she weighed 106 pounds and her hair was beginning to fall out, she had a BMI of 15.2, which would put her off the CDC charts (they stop at the bottom 5 percent). Still, you can't definitively say someone with a low BMI has anorexia. "I would assume these models have a subclinical eating disorder," said Johannes Hebebrand, M.D., of the University of Essen, Germany, one of the world's leading experts on BMI, "but I wouldn't bet on it. There are a lot of very skinny people who can't gain weight. Nobody really knows why-maybe they have a higher body temperature, a faster metabolism; maybe they fidget more, or maybe they just don't eat." Some critics pushed for a mandatory annual doctor's examination, but anorexia is both a psychological and physical disease. The fact that Uruguyan model Luisel Ramos had a sister who died less than a year after her-allegedly from complications of anorexia-confirms what twins studies have shown: Anorexia has a strong genetic component. Hebebrand could one day imagine a blood test-he has found that anorexics have lowered levels of leptin, a hormone produced by fat that is instrumental in regulating the hypothalamus and pituitary glands-but that's a long way off. Eating-disorder experts like Bulik say the best way to screen is an exam, including a face-to-face interview with a clinician trained at cutting through the denial of "It's crazy! I eat!" "I usually start with a weight history," said Bulik. "Then I might ask, 'How would you feel if you gained five pounds?' At that point, you look in their face, and you can usually tell from the expression of horror." In the end, the best you can do is plant a seed and hope it grows. The eye may adjust, but the eye also grows restless and ready for change. "I've been thinking about it," Derek Lam said after his casting was over. "I travel the country for trunk shows and meet these successful women who have the means to really take care of themselves. They're working out, they look great. As designers, I think, we sometimes wait for technology to tell us what to do, but maybe the technology is there, in their bodies. Already I am giving my clothes more structure this year and making it less about something limp hanging on a rail."

dissertation!

walking a thin line; As the average runway sample dropped from a size 6 to a size 2 over the past decade, models were expected to shrink to fit.
Publication: Vogue
Publication Date: 01-APR-07Author: Johnson, Rebecca
window.google_render_ad();

walking a thin line; As the average runway sample dropped from a size 6 to a size 2 over the past decade, models were expected to shrink to fit. -->
COPYRIGHT 2007 All rights reserved. Reproduced by permission of The Condé Nast Publications Inc.
Byline: Rebecca Johnson






As job interviews go, the model casting call has to be the world's quickest. "Can I see you walk?" James Scully, a 20-year industry veteran, asked the tall, thin brunette standing in the foyer of designer Derek Lam's showroom. It was the week before the New York fall shows, and Scully needed to cast 26 models. The girl took a deep breath, dropped her shoulders, jutted her hips forward, and took off. After ten feet, she stopped, pivoted, and returned, eyes focused vacantly on the middle distance. "If you could stand against the wall." Scully pointed to a pink slash of tape six feet from the floor. He didn't say so, but if her head hit too far below that mark, she probably wouldn't get the job. This one cleared it by a good two inches. There was no scale, but you hardly needed it. Like the 20 or 30 girls who had come before her, she hadn't an inch of visible fat on her body. As the flash of the Polaroid went off, she looked into the camera's eye, struggling for an expression that would convey something. Anything. "How old are you?" Scully asked. "Sixteen," she answered in a thick Eastern European accent. After she left, Scully waved a developing Polaroid and shook his head (time elapsed: one minute, 57 seconds). "It's their ages," he said in response to the question of the day: Have runway models gotten too thin? "We're seeing girls as young as thirteen on the runway. When you're that age and that tall, you can be that thin naturally, but in two years, that girl's body is going to start changing. She's going to get hips, and then she's going to start hearing she's too big." It would be impossible for one person to change the vast and complex machine that is fashion but, in his own small way, Scully is trying. "This is the first year I am asking their ages," he said. "Both aesthetically and philosophically, I'd rather cast older girls. There have been times in the last year when I have felt like a high school math teacher. I don't even think girls begin to blossom until they're at least nineteen. You ask one of these girls to 'look sexy' and they don't know what that means. A lot of them have never had a boyfriend." More troubling for him is the thought of what will happen to that girl when the industry is done with her. "The turnover has gotten so quick. Girls are gone in one or two seasons. How do you tell a sixteen-year-old girl her career is over?" he asked. "They've spent the last two years living the lifestyle of a 35-year-old. It's hard for them to go back to where they came from." In the foyer outside, three new girls, all of whom looked more or less identical, had arrived. While Scully zoomed through the casting, I went outside to ask the girls what they thought about the weight issue, especially the health regulations issued by Spanish authorities requiring minimum BMIs (body-mass index) for models, and the Italian requirement for a medical certificate. The sameness of their replies was striking. "It's crazy," they all answered. "I eat!" On the table next to them were plates heaped with food-raspberries, chunks of pineapple, kiwis, croissants, bagels, brioche. Nothing had been touched. Later that day I sent an E-mail to Cynthia Bulik, Ph.D., past president of the Academy for Eating Disorders and currently director of the University of North Carolina eating-disorders program. When the Council of Fashion Designers of America (CFDA) issued its own guidelines last January to protect the health of the models, Bulik had applauded some measures-such as limiting the use of girls under sixteen-but in general she had been critical of the initiative, calling it "an anemic response" to a serious occupational concern. Dear Dr. Bulik, Today I attended a casting for a designer in which about 50 models came in and got quickly photographed. The agent doing the casting told me he believes he can tell in a second if a girl is sick. It's in "the skin, the eyes, the hands," he said. The girls who came in seemed very young, very tall, and very skinny, but they didn't seem sick. When I interviewed them, they all insisted they eat. They seemed so earnest, I can't believe they were lying. Was I missing something? I got a response within hours. You can't always tell just by looking! I am sure that agent had no data to actually check his/her observations with. . . . And there's not ONE question you can ask-especially if someone is afraid they might lose their job! Plus, they might indeed eat, but then vomit or use laxatives or other methods to try to get rid of the food. I took her point. An eating disorder is a complex, multifaceted disease mediated by both genetic and psychosocial factors. But the irony couldn't help escaping me: If you can't tell whether a person has an eating disorder by looking at her, why are lawmakers from Spain to Milan and, more recently, New York trying to mandate models' health based on the way they look? Some history. It's a fact: Clothes look better on a thin person. Models are therefore, by definition, thinner than the average person. Always have been. Always will be. Even the so-called Amazon supermodels of the eighties, curvy women recognizable by only one name, were a lot thinner than the average woman. Then, suddenly, around the early nineties, the models got thinner still. Nian Fish, the creative director of KCD, the company that produces fashion shows for designers such as Marc Jacobs, Ralph Lauren, and Zac Posen, and one of the people most concerned about the trend, thinks she can pinpoint the precise moment it happened. "It was at a Calvin Klein go-see where I was working as a stylist," she remembers. "The big girls were there-Cindy, Nadja. And then Kate Moss walked in. She must have been fifteen or sixteen at the time. She put on this beige chiffon slip dress, and it just fell on her body. We put her in flat shoes, and when she walked, the fabric was like liquid flowing around her body. I got goose bumps. We all knew we were witnessing one of those fashion moments." (A former dancer who herself once struggled with an eating disorder, Fish was one of the guiding forces behind the CFDA's push to address the issue.) In the years that followed, as clothes became less structured and less formfitting, the "glamazons" suddenly found themselves out of work. Or, more precisely, out of high fashion. Because they had recognizable personae-"Those girls used to skip down the runway," says Fish-they were able to parlay their careers into even more lucrative perfume or makeup campaigns, options that don't exist nearly as much for the blank-faced girls walking today's runway. If you can name a runway model today, you probably work in the industry. "After Kate," says Tonne Goodman, fashion director of Vogue, "there have been schools of girls who have swum through like fish, but none of them have really stuck. Good models have to have sex appeal, but to feel sexy, you have to feel good about your body. At the magazine, we're looking for that. A few of the models are so thin I worry about them. I'm a mother; you feel for them." So does photographer Arthur Elgort. "When I see those skinny girls, I just hope they don't put a bathing suit on them," he says. Then, about two or three years ago, the average size of the models seemed to slip again, from a size 2 to a size 0. Until the local government in Madrid kicked up a fuss, nobody seemed to notice. But among the agents who represent the models and the models themselves, the shift has been devastating. "I went to a fitting the other day," says a top model who asked that her name not be used for fear of retribution, "and the stylist kept talking about how the show was supposed to be so 'sexy.' Then she handed me a pair of size 0 jeans, which did not fit. I said to her, 'What's sexy about a size 0?' The designers say models are naturally thin, but these are extreme sizes. I think half the girls walking the runway today have some kind of eating disorder." When the models themselves were famous, designers would gladly alter a dress to fit the girl. But when the models are generically interchangeable, it's easier to find a girl who fits the dress. Speaking out on the issue is what you might call a no-win situation for people in such a highly competitive business. In the days preceding New York Fashion Week, one very powerful agent sounded pretty sanguine on the topic once I finally got him on the phone. "These girls are naturally thin," he said dismissively. "They were the Olive Oyls in high school, the ones who got teased for being a beanpole. If there's a problem, we'll talk to the girl. Everyone wants her to be healthy. We work with trainers and nutritionists. Maybe it's just a matter of cutting down on carbohydrates." But a few days into Fashion Week, his tone changed. "I just got a call from a designer about a top girl they cut because the clothes don't fit," he said angrily one evening from his cell phone. "I asked them, 'Is she too large?' and all they said was 'The clothes don't fit.' I'm not talking about 25 pounds here, I'm talking about two or three pounds! This is the new era? I really thought things were going to change." Still, he did not want his name used. "This is a very competitive business," he explained. "I want my clients to have long and prosperous careers. Managed correctly, these women can continue to make good money into their 30s. If she has a problem, the last thing we would ever do is talk about it publicly." "It's the paradox of the model," said Natalia Vodianova, one of the few models who have been outspoken on the issue. "You're supposed to be projecting this image of fun and health. If you talk about having a problem, you know it's going to affect your career, so you don't say anything. The girls talk about dieting all the time, but they never talk about problems." If people don't talk, it's hard to know the true extent of the issue or where it begins and ends. "Why are the agents even sending these girls?" Donna Karan asked at the CFDA forum on the topic this past February. Answer: because those are the girls who are getting booked. "I know one of my girls has a problem," one anguished agent asked, "but every designer in town wants that girl in their show, so what am I supposed to tell her? If I tell her she can't work, she'll just go to someone else." It's not as if the fashion industry wants to create eating disorders in young women. "Contrary to what people believe, this industry does have a heart," said Robin Givhan, fashion editor of The Washington Post. "Look at all the work it has done on AIDS. I think what happened was our eyes changed slowly over time. It's like the frog in the water: If you slowly turn up the heat, it doesn't know it's being boiled to death. After a while, a size 0 starts to seem normal, not cadaverous." But eventually, said Givhan, the zombie-like quality of some superskinny models began to detract from the aesthetic appreciation of the clothes themselves. "Fashion is about fantasy and aspiration," she said. "Women look to it for inspiration. But somewhere along the way the industry went from long and lean to something you wouldn't want to aspire to. It became unattractive." The controversy might never have become the international story it did, had it not been for the deaths of two South American models due to complications from anorexia nervosa. Neither Luisel Ramos nor Ana Carolina Reston got anywhere close to the runways in New York or Paris. At five feet eight inches-and friends says that was stretching it-Reston's head would have hit far below Scully's pink slash on the wall, but fashion is a global business, and for several years she was able to support her middle-class family by modeling for catalogs and fashion shows in Brazil. Her dream, however, was to travel abroad, living the glamorous life of an international model. When she went to China, she was told she was too fat. To get work, she thought she only needed to get thinner. By 2006, when she entered the Brazilian hospital where she died at 88 pounds, she was allegedly living on a diet of apples and tomatoes. Reston's agents stopped booking her when she got seriously sick. In the weeks before her death, she was supporting herself by handing out fliers for nightclubs, but her death seemed to touch off a simmering anger against the fashion industry, as evidenced by this post on Live Journal, one of the most popular fashion blogs. I CANNOT *BELIEVE!!!* THE 'FASHION INDUSTRY' *STILL* DOESN'T THINK THERE IS A "PROBLEM." What the #$#??! I feel bad for the girl, but hopefully, this will help show (or even FORCE) this industry to see how badly they need to DO SOMETHING!!! [And this is coming from a model herself. If I had a penny for every time I heard my agent telling me or other models at the agency to "lose some inches in the hips," I could quit modeling and just be a millionaire. . . . ] Fellow Brazilian Gisele Bundchen made international headlines after Reston's death when she said parents are responsible for anorexia, not the fashion industry, but others were more empathetic. "I didn't know her personally," said Vodianova, "but when I read about her story, I could understand. At home, girls are the little princesses, but then you get this opportunity and you think, OK, this is my job now. This is what I am supposed to do. Nobody is nurturing them, and suddenly, everything becomes about the weight. If you do allow yourself to eat something, you become nervous because you think the clothes won't fit. It's not that people even say things to your face; it's more like a tension in the air during a fitting. Or you overhear something. In your off-time, you start to overeat because you are so hungry, so now your normal relationship with food is gone." It's no coincidence that many of the youngest, thinnest girls on the runway come from countries where economic opportunities for them are limited. Reston's family was initially middle class, but after her family's savings were stolen, she felt an added pressure to be a breadwinner. "My parents saw an opportunity for me to have a better life," Vodianova said, explaining why her parents let her leave home alone at seventeen. To make money in Russia, she used to sell fruit on the street next to engineers and professors, people with advanced degrees who needed cash to feed their families. The money she made from her first fashion show-$50-was equal to a month's salary for a teacher. "If I had stayed, finished school, and become a doctor, so what?" She shrugged. "I still would have been selling fruit on the street." After Reston's death, the CFDA decided to address the issue. But if models are hired for their tall and skinny genetic phenotype, fashion designers succeed through an equally rigorous process of Darwinian selection. Creative people with robust egos don't like being told what to do. Some were sympathetic to the idea of regulation, especially women with children. "We have a big responsibility with this disease," said Carolina Herrera. Another prominent designer called the idea "revolting." Some were simply flummoxed by the practicalities-how do you regulate a worldwide industry composed of freelance workers who steadfastly maintain, "It's crazy! I eat!" In Spain, they tried instituting minimum weights calculated by BMI. The measurement, which takes into consideration height and weight, was invented by a nineteenth-century Belgian scientist who believed that the human condition could be better understood through the use of statistics-he was among the first to quantify a correlation between age and gender in crime-but while BMI may be a useful tool for tracking the growing obesity epidemic in the developed world, it's not so useful for screening models. The Spanish chose a BMI of eighteen as the cutoff for a working model, which, according to the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) growth charts, would mean that 17 percent of all sixteen-year-olds would be considered too thin to model. Not surprisingly, the regulation had little effect. England, Australia, and France all rejected mandatory minimums as discriminatory or inappropriate-as UK culture secretary Tessa Jowell said, "Government legislation is a very blunt instrument to address an issue this complex." Realistically, today's working models have BMIs closer to sixteen. When she was nineteen and weighed 117 pounds, five-foot-ten-inch Vodianova had a BMI of 16.8. (That was when several fashion houses complained about her weight.) When she weighed 106 pounds and her hair was beginning to fall out, she had a BMI of 15.2, which would put her off the CDC charts (they stop at the bottom 5 percent). Still, you can't definitively say someone with a low BMI has anorexia. "I would assume these models have a subclinical eating disorder," said Johannes Hebebrand, M.D., of the University of Essen, Germany, one of the world's leading experts on BMI, "but I wouldn't bet on it. There are a lot of very skinny people who can't gain weight. Nobody really knows why-maybe they have a higher body temperature, a faster metabolism; maybe they fidget more, or maybe they just don't eat." Some critics pushed for a mandatory annual doctor's examination, but anorexia is both a psychological and physical disease. The fact that Uruguyan model Luisel Ramos had a sister who died less than a year after her-allegedly from complications of anorexia-confirms what twins studies have shown: Anorexia has a strong genetic component. Hebebrand could one day imagine a blood test-he has found that anorexics have lowered levels of leptin, a hormone produced by fat that is instrumental in regulating the hypothalamus and pituitary glands-but that's a long way off. Eating-disorder experts like Bulik say the best way to screen is an exam, including a face-to-face interview with a clinician trained at cutting through the denial of "It's crazy! I eat!" "I usually start with a weight history," said Bulik. "Then I might ask, 'How would you feel if you gained five pounds?' At that point, you look in their face, and you can usually tell from the expression of horror." In the end, the best you can do is plant a seed and hope it grows. The eye may adjust, but the eye also grows restless and ready for change. "I've been thinking about it," Derek Lam said after his casting was over. "I travel the country for trunk shows and meet these successful women who have the means to really take care of themselves. They're working out, they look great. As designers, I think, we sometimes wait for technology to tell us what to do, but maybe the technology is there, in their bodies. Already I am giving my clothes more structure this year and making it less about something limp hanging on a rail."

dissertation!

walking a thin line; As the average runway sample dropped from a size 6 to a size 2 over the past decade, models were expected to shrink to fit.
Publication: Vogue
Publication Date: 01-APR-07Author: Johnson, Rebecca
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walking a thin line; As the average runway sample dropped from a size 6 to a size 2 over the past decade, models were expected to shrink to fit. -->
COPYRIGHT 2007 All rights reserved. Reproduced by permission of The Condé Nast Publications Inc.
Byline: Rebecca Johnson






As job interviews go, the model casting call has to be the world's quickest. "Can I see you walk?" James Scully, a 20-year industry veteran, asked the tall, thin brunette standing in the foyer of designer Derek Lam's showroom. It was the week before the New York fall shows, and Scully needed to cast 26 models. The girl took a deep breath, dropped her shoulders, jutted her hips forward, and took off. After ten feet, she stopped, pivoted, and returned, eyes focused vacantly on the middle distance. "If you could stand against the wall." Scully pointed to a pink slash of tape six feet from the floor. He didn't say so, but if her head hit too far below that mark, she probably wouldn't get the job. This one cleared it by a good two inches. There was no scale, but you hardly needed it. Like the 20 or 30 girls who had come before her, she hadn't an inch of visible fat on her body. As the flash of the Polaroid went off, she looked into the camera's eye, struggling for an expression that would convey something. Anything. "How old are you?" Scully asked. "Sixteen," she answered in a thick Eastern European accent. After she left, Scully waved a developing Polaroid and shook his head (time elapsed: one minute, 57 seconds). "It's their ages," he said in response to the question of the day: Have runway models gotten too thin? "We're seeing girls as young as thirteen on the runway. When you're that age and that tall, you can be that thin naturally, but in two years, that girl's body is going to start changing. She's going to get hips, and then she's going to start hearing she's too big." It would be impossible for one person to change the vast and complex machine that is fashion but, in his own small way, Scully is trying. "This is the first year I am asking their ages," he said. "Both aesthetically and philosophically, I'd rather cast older girls. There have been times in the last year when I have felt like a high school math teacher. I don't even think girls begin to blossom until they're at least nineteen. You ask one of these girls to 'look sexy' and they don't know what that means. A lot of them have never had a boyfriend." More troubling for him is the thought of what will happen to that girl when the industry is done with her. "The turnover has gotten so quick. Girls are gone in one or two seasons. How do you tell a sixteen-year-old girl her career is over?" he asked. "They've spent the last two years living the lifestyle of a 35-year-old. It's hard for them to go back to where they came from." In the foyer outside, three new girls, all of whom looked more or less identical, had arrived. While Scully zoomed through the casting, I went outside to ask the girls what they thought about the weight issue, especially the health regulations issued by Spanish authorities requiring minimum BMIs (body-mass index) for models, and the Italian requirement for a medical certificate. The sameness of their replies was striking. "It's crazy," they all answered. "I eat!" On the table next to them were plates heaped with food-raspberries, chunks of pineapple, kiwis, croissants, bagels, brioche. Nothing had been touched. Later that day I sent an E-mail to Cynthia Bulik, Ph.D., past president of the Academy for Eating Disorders and currently director of the University of North Carolina eating-disorders program. When the Council of Fashion Designers of America (CFDA) issued its own guidelines last January to protect the health of the models, Bulik had applauded some measures-such as limiting the use of girls under sixteen-but in general she had been critical of the initiative, calling it "an anemic response" to a serious occupational concern. Dear Dr. Bulik, Today I attended a casting for a designer in which about 50 models came in and got quickly photographed. The agent doing the casting told me he believes he can tell in a second if a girl is sick. It's in "the skin, the eyes, the hands," he said. The girls who came in seemed very young, very tall, and very skinny, but they didn't seem sick. When I interviewed them, they all insisted they eat. They seemed so earnest, I can't believe they were lying. Was I missing something? I got a response within hours. You can't always tell just by looking! I am sure that agent had no data to actually check his/her observations with. . . . And there's not ONE question you can ask-especially if someone is afraid they might lose their job! Plus, they might indeed eat, but then vomit or use laxatives or other methods to try to get rid of the food. I took her point. An eating disorder is a complex, multifaceted disease mediated by both genetic and psychosocial factors. But the irony couldn't help escaping me: If you can't tell whether a person has an eating disorder by looking at her, why are lawmakers from Spain to Milan and, more recently, New York trying to mandate models' health based on the way they look? Some history. It's a fact: Clothes look better on a thin person. Models are therefore, by definition, thinner than the average person. Always have been. Always will be. Even the so-called Amazon supermodels of the eighties, curvy women recognizable by only one name, were a lot thinner than the average woman. Then, suddenly, around the early nineties, the models got thinner still. Nian Fish, the creative director of KCD, the company that produces fashion shows for designers such as Marc Jacobs, Ralph Lauren, and Zac Posen, and one of the people most concerned about the trend, thinks she can pinpoint the precise moment it happened. "It was at a Calvin Klein go-see where I was working as a stylist," she remembers. "The big girls were there-Cindy, Nadja. And then Kate Moss walked in. She must have been fifteen or sixteen at the time. She put on this beige chiffon slip dress, and it just fell on her body. We put her in flat shoes, and when she walked, the fabric was like liquid flowing around her body. I got goose bumps. We all knew we were witnessing one of those fashion moments." (A former dancer who herself once struggled with an eating disorder, Fish was one of the guiding forces behind the CFDA's push to address the issue.) In the years that followed, as clothes became less structured and less formfitting, the "glamazons" suddenly found themselves out of work. Or, more precisely, out of high fashion. Because they had recognizable personae-"Those girls used to skip down the runway," says Fish-they were able to parlay their careers into even more lucrative perfume or makeup campaigns, options that don't exist nearly as much for the blank-faced girls walking today's runway. If you can name a runway model today, you probably work in the industry. "After Kate," says Tonne Goodman, fashion director of Vogue, "there have been schools of girls who have swum through like fish, but none of them have really stuck. Good models have to have sex appeal, but to feel sexy, you have to feel good about your body. At the magazine, we're looking for that. A few of the models are so thin I worry about them. I'm a mother; you feel for them." So does photographer Arthur Elgort. "When I see those skinny girls, I just hope they don't put a bathing suit on them," he says. Then, about two or three years ago, the average size of the models seemed to slip again, from a size 2 to a size 0. Until the local government in Madrid kicked up a fuss, nobody seemed to notice. But among the agents who represent the models and the models themselves, the shift has been devastating. "I went to a fitting the other day," says a top model who asked that her name not be used for fear of retribution, "and the stylist kept talking about how the show was supposed to be so 'sexy.' Then she handed me a pair of size 0 jeans, which did not fit. I said to her, 'What's sexy about a size 0?' The designers say models are naturally thin, but these are extreme sizes. I think half the girls walking the runway today have some kind of eating disorder." When the models themselves were famous, designers would gladly alter a dress to fit the girl. But when the models are generically interchangeable, it's easier to find a girl who fits the dress. Speaking out on the issue is what you might call a no-win situation for people in such a highly competitive business. In the days preceding New York Fashion Week, one very powerful agent sounded pretty sanguine on the topic once I finally got him on the phone. "These girls are naturally thin," he said dismissively. "They were the Olive Oyls in high school, the ones who got teased for being a beanpole. If there's a problem, we'll talk to the girl. Everyone wants her to be healthy. We work with trainers and nutritionists. Maybe it's just a matter of cutting down on carbohydrates." But a few days into Fashion Week, his tone changed. "I just got a call from a designer about a top girl they cut because the clothes don't fit," he said angrily one evening from his cell phone. "I asked them, 'Is she too large?' and all they said was 'The clothes don't fit.' I'm not talking about 25 pounds here, I'm talking about two or three pounds! This is the new era? I really thought things were going to change." Still, he did not want his name used. "This is a very competitive business," he explained. "I want my clients to have long and prosperous careers. Managed correctly, these women can continue to make good money into their 30s. If she has a problem, the last thing we would ever do is talk about it publicly." "It's the paradox of the model," said Natalia Vodianova, one of the few models who have been outspoken on the issue. "You're supposed to be projecting this image of fun and health. If you talk about having a problem, you know it's going to affect your career, so you don't say anything. The girls talk about dieting all the time, but they never talk about problems." If people don't talk, it's hard to know the true extent of the issue or where it begins and ends. "Why are the agents even sending these girls?" Donna Karan asked at the CFDA forum on the topic this past February. Answer: because those are the girls who are getting booked. "I know one of my girls has a problem," one anguished agent asked, "but every designer in town wants that girl in their show, so what am I supposed to tell her? If I tell her she can't work, she'll just go to someone else." It's not as if the fashion industry wants to create eating disorders in young women. "Contrary to what people believe, this industry does have a heart," said Robin Givhan, fashion editor of The Washington Post. "Look at all the work it has done on AIDS. I think what happened was our eyes changed slowly over time. It's like the frog in the water: If you slowly turn up the heat, it doesn't know it's being boiled to death. After a while, a size 0 starts to seem normal, not cadaverous." But eventually, said Givhan, the zombie-like quality of some superskinny models began to detract from the aesthetic appreciation of the clothes themselves. "Fashion is about fantasy and aspiration," she said. "Women look to it for inspiration. But somewhere along the way the industry went from long and lean to something you wouldn't want to aspire to. It became unattractive." The controversy might never have become the international story it did, had it not been for the deaths of two South American models due to complications from anorexia nervosa. Neither Luisel Ramos nor Ana Carolina Reston got anywhere close to the runways in New York or Paris. At five feet eight inches-and friends says that was stretching it-Reston's head would have hit far below Scully's pink slash on the wall, but fashion is a global business, and for several years she was able to support her middle-class family by modeling for catalogs and fashion shows in Brazil. Her dream, however, was to travel abroad, living the glamorous life of an international model. When she went to China, she was told she was too fat. To get work, she thought she only needed to get thinner. By 2006, when she entered the Brazilian hospital where she died at 88 pounds, she was allegedly living on a diet of apples and tomatoes. Reston's agents stopped booking her when she got seriously sick. In the weeks before her death, she was supporting herself by handing out fliers for nightclubs, but her death seemed to touch off a simmering anger against the fashion industry, as evidenced by this post on Live Journal, one of the most popular fashion blogs. I CANNOT *BELIEVE!!!* THE 'FASHION INDUSTRY' *STILL* DOESN'T THINK THERE IS A "PROBLEM." What the #$#??! I feel bad for the girl, but hopefully, this will help show (or even FORCE) this industry to see how badly they need to DO SOMETHING!!! [And this is coming from a model herself. If I had a penny for every time I heard my agent telling me or other models at the agency to "lose some inches in the hips," I could quit modeling and just be a millionaire. . . . ] Fellow Brazilian Gisele Bundchen made international headlines after Reston's death when she said parents are responsible for anorexia, not the fashion industry, but others were more empathetic. "I didn't know her personally," said Vodianova, "but when I read about her story, I could understand. At home, girls are the little princesses, but then you get this opportunity and you think, OK, this is my job now. This is what I am supposed to do. Nobody is nurturing them, and suddenly, everything becomes about the weight. If you do allow yourself to eat something, you become nervous because you think the clothes won't fit. It's not that people even say things to your face; it's more like a tension in the air during a fitting. Or you overhear something. In your off-time, you start to overeat because you are so hungry, so now your normal relationship with food is gone." It's no coincidence that many of the youngest, thinnest girls on the runway come from countries where economic opportunities for them are limited. Reston's family was initially middle class, but after her family's savings were stolen, she felt an added pressure to be a breadwinner. "My parents saw an opportunity for me to have a better life," Vodianova said, explaining why her parents let her leave home alone at seventeen. To make money in Russia, she used to sell fruit on the street next to engineers and professors, people with advanced degrees who needed cash to feed their families. The money she made from her first fashion show-$50-was equal to a month's salary for a teacher. "If I had stayed, finished school, and become a doctor, so what?" She shrugged. "I still would have been selling fruit on the street." After Reston's death, the CFDA decided to address the issue. But if models are hired for their tall and skinny genetic phenotype, fashion designers succeed through an equally rigorous process of Darwinian selection. Creative people with robust egos don't like being told what to do. Some were sympathetic to the idea of regulation, especially women with children. "We have a big responsibility with this disease," said Carolina Herrera. Another prominent designer called the idea "revolting." Some were simply flummoxed by the practicalities-how do you regulate a worldwide industry composed of freelance workers who steadfastly maintain, "It's crazy! I eat!" In Spain, they tried instituting minimum weights calculated by BMI. The measurement, which takes into consideration height and weight, was invented by a nineteenth-century Belgian scientist who believed that the human condition could be better understood through the use of statistics-he was among the first to quantify a correlation between age and gender in crime-but while BMI may be a useful tool for tracking the growing obesity epidemic in the developed world, it's not so useful for screening models. The Spanish chose a BMI of eighteen as the cutoff for a working model, which, according to the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) growth charts, would mean that 17 percent of all sixteen-year-olds would be considered too thin to model. Not surprisingly, the regulation had little effect. England, Australia, and France all rejected mandatory minimums as discriminatory or inappropriate-as UK culture secretary Tessa Jowell said, "Government legislation is a very blunt instrument to address an issue this complex." Realistically, today's working models have BMIs closer to sixteen. When she was nineteen and weighed 117 pounds, five-foot-ten-inch Vodianova had a BMI of 16.8. (That was when several fashion houses complained about her weight.) When she weighed 106 pounds and her hair was beginning to fall out, she had a BMI of 15.2, which would put her off the CDC charts (they stop at the bottom 5 percent). Still, you can't definitively say someone with a low BMI has anorexia. "I would assume these models have a subclinical eating disorder," said Johannes Hebebrand, M.D., of the University of Essen, Germany, one of the world's leading experts on BMI, "but I wouldn't bet on it. There are a lot of very skinny people who can't gain weight. Nobody really knows why-maybe they have a higher body temperature, a faster metabolism; maybe they fidget more, or maybe they just don't eat." Some critics pushed for a mandatory annual doctor's examination, but anorexia is both a psychological and physical disease. The fact that Uruguyan model Luisel Ramos had a sister who died less than a year after her-allegedly from complications of anorexia-confirms what twins studies have shown: Anorexia has a strong genetic component. Hebebrand could one day imagine a blood test-he has found that anorexics have lowered levels of leptin, a hormone produced by fat that is instrumental in regulating the hypothalamus and pituitary glands-but that's a long way off. Eating-disorder experts like Bulik say the best way to screen is an exam, including a face-to-face interview with a clinician trained at cutting through the denial of "It's crazy! I eat!" "I usually start with a weight history," said Bulik. "Then I might ask, 'How would you feel if you gained five pounds?' At that point, you look in their face, and you can usually tell from the expression of horror." In the end, the best you can do is plant a seed and hope it grows. The eye may adjust, but the eye also grows restless and ready for change. "I've been thinking about it," Derek Lam said after his casting was over. "I travel the country for trunk shows and meet these successful women who have the means to really take care of themselves. They're working out, they look great. As designers, I think, we sometimes wait for technology to tell us what to do, but maybe the technology is there, in their bodies. Already I am giving my clothes more structure this year and making it less about something limp hanging on a rail."

Manufcaturing Post-Feminism. Susan J Douglas.

Manufacturing Postfeminism
By Susan J. Douglas - http://www.inthesetimes.com/article/1466/


I’m sitting here, in one hand Vogue’s April edition called “The Shape Issue,” featuring Angelina Jolie (“Rebel with a Cause,” we’re told) on the cover, and in the other Time’s April 15 issue devoted to the question of “Babies vs. Career.” (Time promises to offer women “The harsh facts about fertility.”) Thirty years after the height of the women’s movement, here we are: Vogue tells us “How to Change Your Shape from Head to Toe” and Time warns us that if we get settled in a career first and then try to have kids, we are doomed to childlessness. And I’m sitting here thinking: This is it. This is post-feminism in action.
In October 1982, when the New York Times Magazine featured an article titled “Voices From the Post-Feminist Generation,” a term was coined, and ever since the women of America have heard, ceaselessly, that we are, and forevermore will be, in a post-feminist age.What the hell is postfeminism, anyway? I would think it would refer to a time when complete gender equality has been achieved. That hasn’t happened, of course, but we (especially young women) are supposed to think it has. Post-feminism, as a term, suggests that women have made plenty of progress because of feminism, but that feminism is now irrelevant and even undesirable because it has made millions of women unhappy, unfeminine, childless, lonely, and bitter, prompting them to fill their closets with combat boots and really bad India print skirts.But to perpetuate this “common sense” about feminism and post-feminism requires the weekly and monthly manufacturing of consent. Post-feminism is, in fact, an ongoing engineering process promoted most vigorously by the right, but aided and abetted all along the way by the corporate media. Post-feminism is crucial to the corporate media because they rely on advertising.If millions of women stopped and said, “Hey, I don’t think I need lipstick, Lestoil, Oil of Olay, Victoria’s Secret boulder holders, Diet Coke, L’Oreal or Ultra Slim-Fast anymore,” that would lead to a serious advertising revenue shortfall. So the media must continue to manufacture post-feminism as the common sense way to understand women’s current place in American society. This April we got an excellent snapshot of how this process works.Vogue’s first-ever “Shape Issue celebrates the female form in all its glorious variety.” These varieties include tall, short, curvy, pregnant and thin. Except that they are all size two (the “curvy” model, a socialite, is a size eight to 10). Even the pregnant model, who is nineteen, and would rather “flaunt my belly than hide it,” is a size two.The letter from the editor acknowledges that “we receive countless letters attacking the models for the way they look. ‘Too skinny’ is the usual complaint.” But then she huffs about a “simple truth”: “To be slim and fit is healthier than to be seriously overweight and out of shape.” Well, that settles that. Our choices as women are anorexic versus blimp.It is Vogue’s job (and the job of countless other women’s magazines) to remind women that their most important task is to police the boundaries of their bodies. This regulation, we are reminded, requires considerable time, mental energy and attention. Crucial to Vogue’s strategy is to acknowledge women’s quite legitimate charges that the magazine promotes an unattainable and, in fact, unhealthy body image. Vogue then asserts that such charges are false and wrong, and that the true progressive position for women (because it’s healthy—don’t you love it?) is to embrace hyper-thinness as a body ideal. Post-feminism in action: reconfigure anti-feminism as feminism.In “Making Time for a Baby,” Time’s point is clear: women who pursue a career first and postpone having children too long will end up barren and miserable. In the past 20 years, the print screams, there has been a “100% rise in childless women ages 40-44.” (No detailed interviews here with women who are happily kid-free.) Sylvia Ann Hewlett, author of the book Creating a Life: Professional Women and the Quest for Children, on which the article is based, argues for structural changes in the workplace to make family life and work more compatible. But the emphasis in Time—and this is also absolutely central to post-feminism—is the notion that whatever challenges women face in juggling work and family are their individual struggles, to be conquered through good planning, smart choices, and an upbeat outlook.We hear about the deep, “private sorrow” of childlessness for some professional women. But there is no comparative data here about how countries like Denmark or the Netherlands, just to pick two, through admittedly high taxes, provide all kinds of support services to mothers and, in fact, make it not just possible but customary for women to work and have kids. (How does one year’s paid maternity leave sound, girls?)But post-feminism also rests on the notion that neither the government nor corporate America can or should offer any support to parents for the common good of raising the next generation. So the next time you see yet another media text telling women to shut up, look pretty, go on a diet, abandon your career and other aspirations, have more babies and have them young, remember that you are witnessing just the latest assembly-line products of that huge and highly successful industry, Post-feminism Inc.

Friday, 13 March 2009

CoNTeNT aNaLYSiS oF GeNDeR aND SeXuaLiTY!

The following document is going to examine the representation of youth sexuality. I am going to be content analysing the first series of ‘Skins,’ a popular TV show about teenagers in Bristol.
Content analysis is a qualitative method of carrying out research. It intends to be precise, reliable and objective. Content analysis is methodologically overt, so throughout the process every thing done needs to be noted. There are four main processes to content analysis. First of all finding the number of images which are going to be counted. Secondly, the categories for coding need to be worked out. The coding consists of applying a set of labels that are descriptive to what they mean to the images. The coding categories need to be recorded in a table or graph which is step three, and finally the results need to be analysed, so after the images have had codes attached to them, the results need to be collected and counted. Once the results have been counted, it is important to go back and apply it to your hypothesis or question in order to find out whether it proved right or wrong.
I am going to be downloading the episodes from 40D and analysing the first series, which includes 9 episodes that will make 9 hours of viewing. There are many visual images that I will be looking for and noting, for example, the act of kissing. Here I will be looking for kissing between characters with a romantic connection but not the kissing of friends or relatives. Instigation of sex. Clothing that is sexually suggestive, for example, short skirts, low tops, high heels and fish net tights. Body Language; physically suggestive displays of body parts, for example shots of legs or cleavage but not when displayed in sport. The discussion of sex. Innuendos; valid references to sexual behaviour or organs. Sexually suggestive behaviour, sexual suggestiveness, flirtatious behaviour intended to arouse sexual interest in others and finally sexualised presentation of the body, for example a character intentionally lying on their back in a provocative way but not whilst sleeping.
My hypothesis will be that heterosexuality will be represented as the ‘norm’ and I intend to look into how sexuality is represented and explore the issues around sexuality. The existing literature on youth sexuality that I will reviewing will be S.A. Batchelor et al. This was carried out on, ‘representing, young people’s sexuality in the youth media’ which addresses the gender differences towards sexuality. Jeffrey Weeks studies sexuality and he addresses heterosexual relationships as being natural. Another issue will be heterosexuality being a dominant factor in the formation of masculinity, an area which Jeffery Weeks has already studied. Sexuality is a dominant feature in identity and the construction of identity, David Gauntlett has written existing literature on this which I will review.
I have chosen to research this as the sexuality of youth is constantly saturated in mainstream media. It is always being debated within popular culture as there is much interest in the sexuality of today’s youth and in wider issues whether it follows patriarchal hegemony, and explores whether in such a post-modern world, are all sexualities represented in popular texts.


535 words!

Sunday, 8 March 2009

Resarch methods: critical analysis. Black & Sharma.

Research methods: MSVC 207
Assignment 1: critical analysis.
Black, P. and Sharma, U. (2001) ‘Men are real, Women are ‘made-up’: beauty therapy and the construction of femininity,’ Sociological review.

In this critical analysis I’m going to analyse the research done by Black and Sharma’s in their sociological review, ‘Men are real, women are ‘made-up’: beauty therapy and the construction of femininity.’ Throughout this critical analysis I aim to identify what the authors are trying to through their research, list and explain the ways in which this research is limited and list and explore the ways in which the authors have justified undertaking this research and what they relate the research to.
They explore three main things. They outline the work of beauty salons and investigate in depth the truth in terms of what goes on in a beauty salon. In the research it is noted how salons have their own ambience, the décor of the beauty salon reflects the ideology of that specific beauty salon. The beauty salon also has a particular layout, with its own smell of products which form the environment in which body maintenance is preformed, complete with uniformed staff. The relationship between femininity and the beauty industry is examined throughout this research; women go to beauty salons in order to hold onto their femininity. They’re not necessarily striving for beauty, but just to look normal, to look like a woman. Hair removal is a big issue in regards to holding onto femininity and at the salon waxing takes place.
They also discuss, how the body is now seen as a commodity, how the body needs maintenance, the expansion of the beauty industry and the emotional side between a therapist and their client.
The professional claims of the beauty therapist is that there’s emotional labour within their trade. The therapists interviewed stress, how as well as physical beauty treatments are carried out, they are also closely related with the emotional relationships clients have with their beauty therapist. Relationships are developed and beauty salons are a place where females can go to escape their domestic and work related stress, so they benefit by sharing burdens.
Noted, is the expansion of the leisure industry, thus an expansion in the beauty industry. Acknowledged by the beauty therapists interviewed, is the shift in women’s independence which has elevated the number of women using beauty salons. It’s apparent that women’s bodies are becoming more important due to the increase of such a consumer society. There is a growing pressure for women to conform to the idealised view of women within society. In magazines women are constantly confronted with beautiful women starring back at them which puts them under pressure to appear like the models they see. Like the culturally specific beauty ideals which they are presented with, women are targeted as consumers. It has evolved into a sophisticated, business industry. It comments on how the leisure industry has helped push forward the beauty industry. There are now gym’s in hotels as well as beauty salons, so people can work out and then reward themselves with a facial.
With the rise of feminism, women are earning their own money and are in control of their finances along with the freedom to chose what they do with it. Also the shift in who women are looking good for, in the past it was in order to gain a husband but now they’re wanting to look good for themselves. It states that a beauty therapist suggested a client gets a facial because her husband would be spending the same amount of their income on football tickets.
There are two ways in which Sharma and Black state that their research is limited. This is down to the fact that the research was secondary, not primary. The research gathered was carried out by therapists, not actual clients, giving a secondary source of empirical research which is based on experience rather than fact. Very limited observation was actually carried out in an actual beauty salon, it was left to the beauty therapists to describe the environment as well as explain the reasons in why women use beauty salons.
Another limitation they noted was the issue that they did not address men or ethnic women. It is commented on how it was dominantly white, young, middle class women who were interviewed which would lead to quite a narrow answer as not all classes, ages and ethnicities were explored.
There is also another limitation to this research which Black and Sharma did not notify, which is the lack of variety in which they interviewed in regards to location. All interviewees were based either in one large midlands town or a northern city and all the beauty therapy teachers all attended the same northern city college. These sources would equal similar answers due to the people interviewed coming from the same place.
Black and Sharma justified undergoing this research, as it is a topic that has not received much academic study before hand. It is stated that the beauty industry has been subject to a lot of criticism, yet with very little empirical study to support this critique. There is also a lack of research into women’s feelings towards their bodies or their views on ‘beauty.’ They also don’t mention women’s day to day experiences. Another reasoning behind their research was to explore an environment that women go to in order to seek femininity. Such investigations into the feminine environment have been overlooked in the past in urban sociological research.
To conclude, the three things identified in this research are the relationship between femininity and beauty salons, how the body is seen as a commodity and the expansion of the beauty industry and the increase of feminism in regards to who women are looking good for and the increase of independent women. There are also comments on how the research is limited in regards to interviewing therapists instead of clients and the lack of variety in people they interviewed. They also didn’t touch on women’s attitudes towards beauty.






Bibliography
Paula, B & Sharma, U. (2001). ‘Men are real, Women are ‘made-up’: beauty therapy and the construction of femininity,’ Sociological review, Oxford: Blackwell publishers

glossary: race & ethnicity.

Postcolonialism (postcolonial theory, post-colonial theory) - is an intellectual discourse that holds together a set of theories found among the texts and sub-texts of philosophy, film, political science and literature. These theories are reactions to the cultural legacy of colonialism. Can also be seen as a search for liberation for the peoples of colonized areas.
‘post-colonialism theory borrows from the psychoanalytic and post-structuralist theory to explain the sense of these people being something than other what the culture deems as normal, powerful or the standard’ (Lewis 2002: 339)Colonial discourse - A system of control over what can be shown, revealed and portrayed in terms of a colony or empire.Quote - ‘Colonial discourse theory is identified as a subset of postcolonialism, while in other cases they are separate but mutually dependent on each other to mobilize postcolonial politics… This second sense sees postcolonialism as a form of consciousness articulated by the colonized, the exiled, and the displaced as a counter discourse against that created through empire. Colonial discourse is (through Michel Foucault's understanding of "discourse") a linguistic regime that enforces, conditions, and regulates what can be said with respect to empire. For example, "scientific" disciplines like 19th century anthropology was an instance of colonial discourse because it sought to represent the "native" as barbaric, primitive, and uncivilized, consequently justifying the legitimacy of colonialism’ (http://www.postcolonialweb.org/poldiscourse/theorists_note.html)((Leong Yew))Ethnicity - refers to social groups with a shared history, sense of identity, geography and cultural roots which may occur despite racial differenceRace - notion of racial classifications based on geneticsSameness - Within identity, it’s what makes it recognizable and makes it easy to identify a set of characteristics or qualities that distinguish it from another. Difference - difference is used within identity to establish what it is not, also to use as comparison and also to categorise different characteristics or qualities to differentiate it from another.Symbolic marking - how we live out symbolic marking, we organise Social marking – how we live out symbolic marking, how we organise society ie class.Material conditions
Mediated culture – your own indentity ie. chosing your own religion, politics and music. (how you form your ethnicity)
Situated culture – culture your born into, grown up into, ie geography, what school you went to. – what you get from your parents.
Identity and difference – we define ourselfs with who we are not (the other)
Essentialism - suggests a fixed and fundamental identity, looks to support fixed notions of identity. Ie I’m welsh.
‘Essentialism, in its most stripped down meaning refers to the belief that people and/or phenomenon have an underlying and unchanging 'essence'. I like to work with a definition that refers to any statement that seeks to close off the possibility of changeable human behaviour.’ (http://www.lancs.ac.uk/staff/twine/ecofem/essentialism.html)Non-essentialism - acknowledges differences and sameness, also acknowledges that identities change.‘non-essentialism is the belief that, any given entity or subject, can not be propositionally defined in terms of specified values or characteristics which that entity must have in order to be defined as that entity.’(http://www.bookrags.com/wiki/Non-essentialism)
Primary identity – the way you were born, which can’t be changed.
Embodiment - the experience of having and using a body.
‘the body emerges as a principle focus and theme for contemporary cultural analysis. The body has been theorized in various ways throughout the period of modernity: for or example, privileges the mind over the body; Marx theorizes the body as an economic condition; humanism presents the body in terms of hapiness and economic utility; science conceives of the body as a biological system; Michl Foucault presents the body in terms of ‘discourse’ - as a set of inscribed and negotiable meanings.’ (lewis 2002: 294)Whiteness - is the representation of people identified as white and the social status and conventions of whiteness as an ideology within social status. Whiteness is an ideological fiction, political fiction and a legal fiction.
‘post-colonized people’s of colour are defined as ‘the other’ or as ‘different’ in relation to the normative condition of ‘whiteness,’ especially male whiteness. (Lewis 2002; 340)
Pluralism – opposite to hegemony, everybodies ideologies not just the dominant.
‘Hegemony - is the dominance of a group over another, eg politics. Dominant Ideology - is the values and common beliefs shared by most people in society, what the majority think, it reflects the interests of the dominant class in society.
‘Different social interests or forces might conduct an ideological struggle to disarticulate a signifier from one prefferd or dominant meaning system and rearticulate it with in another, different chain of connotations’ (Hallin Barratt, 1995: 360)
The other – what is described as the other from the hegemonic/dominant.
Ethnography – is a genre of writing that uses fieldwork to provide a descriptive study of human societies.
Ethnographic film -
Ethnographic presence – representing what is happening, ie looking into a camera suggests its happening now, unseen presence of the ethnographer.
Ehtnographic memory – enscription of peoples/cultures on how it used to be, something in the past being represented using past to look like presence.
Ethnographic taxidermy
Ethnographic intantiasation
Infantilisation – treated like an infant.
Reductionalism – reducing somebody to their lowest value.
Representation - the idea that media re –presents the world and by doing so constructs meanings about it.
“Systems of representation construct places from which individuals can position themselves and from which they can speak.”
Textual Analysis - Processes of accessing meaning
Modes of Cultural Production - Media = ‘sign systems ’or’ meaning systems contribute to culture and ideology
Binarism- means composed of two parts or two pieces
Ideology- set of beliefs , aims and ideas, especially in politics.
Residual ideology –
Emerging ideology
Post modernism- after the modernist movement
Fanonism
Authenticity - the truthfulness of origins, attributions, commitments, sincerity, devotion, and intentions.
Transcoding- is the direct digital-to-digital conversion of one encoding to another
Racial stereotypes – stereotyped by the colour of ones skin.
Stereotypes and Social types - a generalized perception of first impressions: behaviors presumed by a group of people judging with the eyes/criticizing ones outer appearance (or a population in general) to be associated with another specific group.
Exoticism - exoticism in the decorative arts and interior decoration was associated with fantasies of opulence.
Hybridity - A hybrid is something that is mixed, and hybridity is simply mixture
Diaspora - refers any population sharing common ethnic identity who were either forced to leave or voluntarily left their setteld territory, and became residents in areas often far removed from the former
Globalisation- blending or homogenization by which the people of the world are unified into a single society and function together.
Mimicry-
Intertextuality - the shaping of texts' meanings by other texts. It can refer to an author’s borrowing and transformation of a prior text or to a reader’s referencing of one text in reading another.
Icon - There is a close physical similarity between the sign and real life.
Index - Evidence of or a symptom of a sign.
Symbol - Used in relation to visual signs and are linked by conventions.
Associational juxtaposition – context due to binary, two things joined together to bring meaning, for example a shot of a person praying with his back to the camera and then a shot of a knife = the person is going to get knifed.

Marilyn Monroe: Image for previous post.


Race & ethnicity! Whiteness (Image in next post)

‘in western media, white takes up the position of ordinariness, not a particular race, just a human race’ (Dyer, 1997)
Explore the issues relating to whiteness as an ethnic category.
How does the construction of whiteness assert the idea of a ‘normative in natural state of existence?’
Support your essay with textual analysis.

In this essay I am going to be addressing whiteness as an ethnic category and how the construction of whiteness asserts the idea of a normative and natural state of existence, the text I am going to use will be a picture of Marilyn Monroe.
Whiteness is considered natural, it is classified as normal thus classifying it outside of race. The term ‘whiteness’ is a construction. Even though a western ideology whiteness is outside of race and it is given special status and due to this whiteness becomes invisible.
The history of whiteness links back to Greek origins, the whiteness of the Greek statues is where the term whiteness comes from, even within Greek statues the women would be paler signifying a more angelic figure. ‘in classical Greek art, female figures are paler than male, as benefits those whose proper place is in the home, a notion taken to angelic extremes in Victorial domestic ideology and imagery’ (1993:151) this is evidence that the gender is then marked by the whiteness.
In the construction of whiteness, Geek history was looked upon to form a primordial essential whiteness. In the construction of whiteness, whiteness has three fictions; an ideological, a political and a legal fiction. An ideological fiction on whiteness was the essentialist links to biology that carried a construction of history and held the original identity. The political fiction was a system of control over what can be shown, revealed and portrayed in terms of a colony, which is known as colonial discourse, and the political fiction established a binary between colonised and coloniser, which in this sense was the slave and the slave owner. Whiteness is a hierarchical racial identity and whiteness is a socially constructed race. Whiteness is also seen as a legal fiction, whiteness was used as a social tool which gained advantage in regards to the distribution of health and power.
Whiteness cannot be explained without the relation to what is known as ‘the other’, the other is what is described as the other to the dominant. Whiteness needs the binary opposition of the other as it has not yet been defined in cinema. Woodward argues that ‘identities are forged through the marking of difference. This marking of differences takes place both through the symbolic systems of representation and through forms of social exclusion. Identity, then is not the opposite of, but depends on difference,’ (1997:29) this supplements the notion of needing the binary opposition in order to create a classification, identity relies on the other to bring meaning and form a category.
There are two ways in which to look at whiteness, ideologically and technically. Dyer argues ‘en-lightment and post-en-lightment philosophy stressed the intrinsic transcendence superiority of the colour white, notions that were grasped onto nineteenth centaury biological accounts of racial difference. The celebration of women in paintings during the same period etherealized the body drawing upon the translucent imagery of Madonna’s, angels, nyphs and spirits’ (1993:151) This is symbolically how whiteness is seen, whiteness is seen as something outside of the body, whiteness and light have a strong connection as dyer agrees ‘such treatment is the cumilation of a history of light that has many strands. The association of whiteness and light - of whiteness - with moral goes far back,’ (1993:151) this is made evident in the text, Marilyn Monroe was the epitome of femininity, she was known as ‘the body’ and also granted a Goddess. ‘white women are constructed as the apotheosis of desirability, all that a man could want, yet nothing can be had, nor anything that a woman can be. But as I have argued, white representation in general has thus everything-and-nothing quality’ (Dyer; 1993: 164)
This is evident in the image of Marilyn Monroe as she is physically desirable. There is white light coming from behind her which symbolises heaven, an angelic woman with the lights of heaven behind her, the white light is like a radiance and a glow that signifies a halo thus making her an angel, beyond attainment as being beyond the living, this cements the idea that whiteness is seen as beyond living, whiteness has conventions with the dead. Dyer stated ‘three point lighting, soft light gauzes and focus could all be employed to create the haloes and glows of feminine portiere,’ (1993:152) and this is evident in the image as the white light behind her is making her look like an angel. Her white skin is translucent signifying a non-living create, beyond life. With the white light behind her making appear like a Goddess, God-like. It is similar to the representations of God and Angels within Christianity, ‘in relation to white women, to endow them with a glow and radiance that has correspondences with the transcended rhetoric of popular Christianity,’ (Dyer; 1993:145) this is evident in the text that it is adapting the Christian imagery, Dyer stated ‘Christian art has a long emphasised the radiance of the pure white codes of Christ, the virgin, the saints and angels,’ (1993: 151) which supplements the ideological significance of the text, as she appears as an angel. Dyer studied the link between whiteness and death, as white racial identity symbolically suggests no colour, thus no body which suggests an ideological and symbolical link between death and whiteness, as through the ideology of western the idea of death is the transcendence of spirit to beyond life.
To conclude, there is many issues within signifying white as an ethnic category due to white not been seen as a colour and there for having no content which would then make whiteness invisible. Whiteness is what’s constructed of normal as it is the dominant neutral state of existence, and thus whiteness is what is considered ordinary.

Bibliography
Dyer R (1993), the matter of images, London: Routledge.
Woodward K (1997), identity and difference, London: Sage publications.
Image - www.google.com